‘Sick troops can’t fight’: Bring back COVID vaccine mandate for our military | Opinion

Late last year, Congress passed the bill allocating funding to the military in 2023, and President Joe Biden signed it into law just before Christmas. Among the provisions tucked away in this $800 billion bill is the rescinding of a mandate that active-duty, reserve, and National Guard personnel receive the COVID-19 primary vaccine series.

Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin issued the military vaccine mandate in mid-2021 after the Food and Drug Administration approved the vaccine. Over time, the vast majority of active-duty personnel received at least one dose of the vaccine. But rates were not equally high among all branches.

More than 8,400 enlistees have refused their commanders’ orders to be vaccinated and were mustered out of the military. Current statistics on a state-by-state basis are unavailable. In New Jersey, as of July 1, 2022, 13% of the Guard were unvaccinated and 88 had refused direct orders to do so.

Although the military’s COVID vaccine mandate received criticism, it was consistent with the military’s long-standing vaccine policy to ensure combat readiness. Currently, military personnel get more than a dozen vaccines before being deployed.

Now that the military has removed COVID from the list of vaccines troops need to receive, we fear for the health of our troops and their ability to protect our nation.

The reason is simple: Sick troops can’t fight.

With the passage of the 2023 defense spending bill, Congress is substituting its opinion in vaccinating the troops instead of backing military policy decisions based on scientific and medical evidence, and long-standing precedent. Congress dabbled where it does not belong and got it dead wrong.

There are many examples throughout history where battles have been won or lost based on which side was better protected through immunization.

Battles have been won or lost based on which side was better protected through immunization.

In 1776, the United States lost the battle of Québec partly because so many of our troops contracted smallpox; the disease was endemic in Europe by then, so the British Army was immune. Subsequently, George Washington required the entire Continental Army be inoculated with smallpox in February 1777.

In 1870-71, the French Army in the Franco-Prussian War suffered 23,000 smallpox casualties, in contrast to the Prussian Army, which lost fewer than 500 men. The difference: The Prussian leader demanded his troops be vaccinated before battle.

In early 2020, before vaccines were available, COVID-19 spread rapidly among the crew of the mighty USS Theodore Roosevelt, sending some to the hospital, including intensive care. One crew member died. The outbreak sidelined the warship for 10 weeks.

Unvaccinated troops are vulnerable troops. If the radio operator, the machine gunner, the loadmaster, or the weapons chief declines vaccination and gets sick, the troops in that unit have lost key talents. This could mean losing the next battle or not being able to respond to natural disasters or other homeland deployments.

The inverse is also true. Vaccinated troops literally develop interior body armor against viruses and bacteria that otherwise could kill or render them impaired and disabled.

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Personal choice in the military for vaccination has never been an option. Why would any commander allow such a choice, which could endanger teammates? A choice to let teammates down while the unvaccinated become sick and are quarantined? A choice to let teammates deploy overseas while the unvaccinated get to stay state-side?

Troops don’t get to choose their pushups, weapons proficiency, training in the rain and mud, or their assignments. Vaccinations are part of military physical fitness. Maybe members of Congress can work from home if they get infected, but troops cannot.

Members of Congress typically heap praise on our long-sacrificing military personnel. And yet, Congress now has introduced chinks into their armor of immunity and weakened the chain of command by making vaccination a political decision, a bargaining chip, instead of a medical and readiness decision.

Historically, defense vaccination policy is set by the secretary of defense, with advice from the military surgeons general, after assessing the best current medical intelligence. Decision-making must reside with military experts who have the best understanding of how to keep our forces strong — and with the least political posturing. Any other approach is a disservice to our troops and our nation.

If we want readiness of our troops, we need to ensure they are all up to date with their vaccinations, including updated booster doses where appropriate. The COVID-19 virus continues to evolve and the best defense against infection is vaccination. We have ample data showing the vaccines are safe, and the benefits are equivalent to all other vaccines still required for military service.

Would any member of Congress want a loved one deployed in a unit with teammates who are vulnerable to a life-threatening infection, thus putting the strength of the entire unit at risk? We don’t think so.

If Congress wants personal choice for our troops, we can suggest some readings in military history.

John D. Grabenstein is a retired 27-year Army veteran who has specialized in vaccines for 40 years. He is currently director for scientific communications at immunize.org, formerly the Immunization Action Coalition. COLJDG@gmail.com. Eddy A. Bresnitz is adjunct professor of epidemiology at Rutgers School of Public Health and former deputy commissioner in the New Jersey Department of Health, where he recently was the medical adviser to the COVID-19 Response Team. dreddybres@gmail.com