Trump voters care about the economy, Biden voters about abortion? It’s not that simple.

Pennsylvanians are evenly divided on whom they plan to vote for. But they’re much more fractured on the issues motivating them to vote.

Predictably, many of those differences are partisan. But not all of them.

For a Philadelphia Inquirer/ New York Times/ Siena College poll released Monday, voters were asked to describe why they were voting for the candidate they chose, without any prompting. Over 22% of voters responses listed the economy as the primary reason, making it the main motivating issue — albeit more so for voters supporting former President Donald Trump.

Another 13% talked about abortion — much more so for supporters of President Joe Biden. But those reasons still account for just a third of all voters statewide.

After that, things get messy.

The poll of 1,023 registered voters was conducted from April 28 to May 7. The survey has a margin of sampling error of +/- 3.6 percentage points, although the error for individual responses was often larger.

Voters’ fractured motivations stand in stark contrast to the remarkable statewide consensus on major issues. Four-fifths of voters across the Commonwealth said the national economy is bad; almost two-thirds want to keep abortion legal.

Respondents also agreed that in deciding how to vote, domestic issues mattered most. Few mentioned American policy abroad — including the conflict in Gaza, despite the extensive coverage of the war and of the many campus-based protests against it.

But people rated the importance of the many issues differently. And in that tangled list of reasons, a few patterns stand out.

The partisan divergence along the two most-mentioned issues — the economy and abortion — was stark, but more telling was the breakdown along demographic lines.

Some of these divisions aren’t likely to surprise. About 20% of women named abortion as a motivator of their vote; just 5% of men did. Voters without college degrees, who on average have lower salaries, were likelier to name the economy as their reason for voting. Voters with college degrees were twice as likely to name abortion.

Likewise, young voters were likelier than older ones to emphasize abortion, while middle-aged voters were likeliest to emphasize the economy.

But other demographic breakdowns cut against partisan tendencies.

Non-white voters were likelier to support Biden than Trump, but were less likely than white voters to cite abortion as a major reason for voting. They were roughly equally likely to cite the economy.

No region of the state’s voters rated the economy as more or less important, despite sharp partisan divides between more urban and more rural areas. And while suburban voters are frequently associated with concerns about abortion, only 16% of voters in suburban neighborhoods cited abortion as their primary reason for voting.

After the economy and abortion, the third most-cited reason for voting was immigration — and it’s almost exclusively a concern of Trump voters.

For supporters of the former president, the issue is persistent. In 2016, Trump ran vociferously on closing the southern border. Since Biden took office, the flow of migrants on the southern border has swelled, driven in large part by political, economic, and climate crises in other countries.

But while Trump has plenty of suburban and urban supporters, it was rural voters who were likeliest to name immigration as a major concern — despite the fact that most immigrants nationwide and in Pennsylvania move to urban areas.

Rural voters also tend to be older than the state average; seniors were twice as likely to mention immigration as a reason for voting than young voters.

Recent elections have seen voters make a sport of mocking the character and fitness of the other side. The attacks that paint Biden as doddering or feeble, or Trump as criminal or cruel, are myriad.

But only for one side were concerns about the basic fitness of the opposition a major reason to vote.

Supporters of Biden were much likelier than Trump supporters to say their vote was motivated by dislike of the opposing candidate, the character or competence of the candidates, or the state of democracy or political corruption more broadly.

Still, though, not all types of Biden-disposed demographics were equal. Older, whiter, and more well-educated voters were likeliest to name these issues as important.

Most voters were able to name at least one widely-discussed policy issue when explaining their voting decision. But some didn’t: They might have named another, less-discussed issue, or they might have declined to name a particular issue at all.

By factor of two, voters of color and third-party supporters were much likelier to fit into that bucket. Perhaps as many as a quarter of non-white voters didn’t name a major domestic or foreign policy issue in explaining their vote choice.

Tellingly, these groups are likeliest to be disengaged from the political process. According to the poll, they were likeliest never to have voted before, and not to pay attention to political news.

Whether these more peripheral voters can be a liability — or an opportunity — for the major candidates could be a big focus of this year’s campaign.