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All 17 of Pennsylvania’s new congressional districts, explained

We crunched the numbers and pored over the map. Here’s what we found.

John Duchneskie

Pennsylvania’s new congressional map sets the stage for critical races this fall and over the next decade. Let’s take a tour through the new districts, and run down what they mean for each party.

The Battlegrounds

Under the map chosen in a 4-3 ruling by the state Supreme Court, Pennsylvania’s four most balanced swing districts remain competitive, bucking the national trend of drawing lines that distinctly favor one party.

At least three incumbent Democrats are at serious risk if this year’s political environment remains favorable to the GOP. But the map also prompted two incumbent Republicans, Dan Meuser and Fred Keller, to face off in what could be the most intense primary in the state this May.

Made up primarily (92.45%) of residents of the current 8th District; 6.59% of the new district’s residents come from the current 7th District and 0.96% from the current 9th District.

Incumbent: Matt Cartwright (D.)

Past election results:

Racial breakdown:

  • 74.6% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 13.2% Hispanic or Latino

  • 6.3% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.3% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.1% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.6% Other (non-Hispanic)

This Scranton-area district is one of the most closely watched in the country: It’s one of the few that supported Donald Trump but also sent a Democrat, Rep. Matt Cartwright, to Congress. Republicans have made him a top target, but the revised district came out about as well for Democrats as they could have hoped.

By adding more of Monroe County to the south, rather than tacking on more conservative areas to the west, the district keeps its current political balance — a slight but not overwhelming lean rightward. It’s the kind of district that could be tough for most Democrats to keep, but that Cartwright has been able to hold.

Also significant: Despite already having part of Luzerne County, the district didn’t add the portion that includes Meuser, a Republican whose home now sits virtually on the boundary. As an established House member, Meuser might have posed an even tougher challenge to Cartwright.

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Made up primarily (90.59%) of residents of the current 7th District; 8.43% of the new district’s residents come from the current 9th District and 0.97% from the current 8th District.

Incumbent: Susan Wild (D.)

Past election results:

Racial breakdown:

  • 68.6% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 5.5% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 19.1% Hispanic or Latino

  • 3.2% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.1% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.6% Other (non-Hispanic)

Cartwright’s stability comes at a cost for a neighboring Democrat, Allentown’s Rep. Susan Wild. With the 8th moving into Monroe, her swing district extends east into conservative Carbon County.

That turns the district from one that leaned slightly left to one that tips slightly right. Under the old lines 51.61% of the district voted for Joe Biden. That now drops to 49.55%.

It remains within reach for both parties, but Wild faces an even tougher task if a GOP wave takes shape this fall.

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Made up primarily (93.26%) of residents of the current 1st District; the other 6.74% of the new district’s residents come from the current 4th District.

Incumbent: Brian Fitzpatrick (R.)

Past election results:

Racial breakdown:

  • 79.9% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.0% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 6.1% Hispanic or Latino

  • 6.3% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.3% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.5% Other (non-Hispanic)

The Bucks County-based swing district has a slight Democratic lean — but has been held by Republicans for years as Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick and, before him, his late brother Mike Fitzpatrick have won swing voters.

There’s little change here, other than adding a touch more of Montgomery County. The voting patterns of the district are virtually unchanged.

It’s another district either party could win, but that a strong incumbent has helped the GOP retain.

Made up primarily (93.59%) of residents of the current 17th District; the other 6.41% of the new district’s residents come from the current 18th District.

Incumbent: Conor Lamb (D., not running for reelection)

Past election results:

  • 81.9% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 7.7% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.4% Hispanic or Latino

  • 3.5% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.0% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.5% Other (non-Hispanic)

The fate of this battleground in Allegheny and Beaver Counties hinged heavily on whether Pittsburgh got divided into two districts. If the 17th had absorbed part of the Steel City, as Democrats hoped, it could have turned reliably blue.

But that didn’t happen. Pittsburgh remains entirely in the new 12th District, so the neighboring 17th stays closely balanced. It adds a few more suburban areas, but the 2020 presidential vote in the new district is almost identical to that of the old one.

This will be a hard-fought open seat in the fall. The Democratic incumbent, Rep. Conor Lamb, is running for Senate.

The lean districts

As under the existing map, there are two districts that generally lean toward one party but could flip in a wave year.

Made up primarily (98.62%) of residents of the current 6th District; the other 1.38% of the new district’s residents come from the current 9th District.

Incumbent: Chrissy Houlahan (D.)

Past election results:

  • 69.2% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 5.4% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 16.4% Hispanic or Latino

  • 5.1% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.3% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.5% Other (non-Hispanic)

The Chester County-based district is emblematic of the national shift in the suburbs. After it long elected Republicans, Rep. Chrissy Houlahan won it in 2018 and, on paper, it’s not as tightly divided as the state’s main battlegrounds.

Republicans hoped to put it in play by adding more conservative territory, but because the district grew faster than much of the state, it only needed a small addition. The new map tacked on a piece of Exeter Township in Berks County, and it remains a district where more than 57% of voters backed Biden.

Republicans still think they have a shot at Houlahan this year, but their odds didn’t improve. Unless the suburbs swing back rightward, this could stay Democratic territory for some time.

Made up primarily (96.17%) of residents of the current 10th District; 2.69% of the new district’s residents come from the current 13th District and 1.14% from the current 11th District.

Incumbent: Scott Perry (R.)

Past election results:

  • 71.2% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 10.1% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 9.5% Hispanic or Latino

  • 4.6% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.0% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.6% Other (non-Hispanic)

Democrats have long hoped to unseat Rep. Scott Perry, but having failed even in their 2018 wave, they probably needed a significant shift in the lines to help. That didn’t happen. The Harrisburg-based district had solid population growth and added just a small piece of Cumberland County, leaving its political balance virtually unchanged.

Democrats might have a shot in a wave year, or down the line if the suburbs around Harrisburg continue trending leftward.

Strong Democratic seats

Deeply Democratic districts, based in Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, and their suburbs, generally saw strong population growth and therefore underwent very little change.

Made up primarily (95.84%) of residents of the current 2nd District; the other 4.16% of the new district’s residents come from the current 3rd District.

Incumbent: Brendan Boyle (D.)

Past election results:

  • 37.4% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 24.2% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 24.7% Hispanic or Latino

  • 9.5% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.2% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 1.0% Other (non-Hispanic)

The Philadelphia-based districts (the 2nd and 3rd) stay about the same, other than a slight shift within the city’s boundaries.

The 2nd runs from Center City to Northeast Philly. The district is about one-third white. Rep. Brendan Boyle has support from the Congressional Black Caucus, and one potential rival, State Sen. Sharif Street, said he won’t run for Congress. Still, the district's racial makeup mirrors some in other cities where candidates of color have in recent years unseated longtime Democratic incumbents.

Made up primarily (94.17%) of residents of the current 3rd District; the other 5.83% of the new district’s residents come from the current 5th District.

Incumbent: Dwight Evans (D.)

Past election results:

  • 32.2% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 50.6% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 6.0% Hispanic or Latino

  • 6.9% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.6% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.8% Other (non-Hispanic)

The district running from Center City to West and Northwest Philly was already one of the most Democratic in the country, and there’s nothing to change that. It remains the state’s only majority-Black district, represented by Rep. Dwight Evans.

State Rep. Malcolm Kenyatta lives in this district. If his U.S. Senate campaign falls short, there will be significant interest in what he does later.

Made up primarily (81.47%) of residents of the current 4th District; 16.08% of the new district’s residents come from the current 9th District and 2.45% from the current 1st District.

Incumbent: Madeleine Dean (D.)

Past election results:

  • 76.1% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 8.0% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 5.8% Hispanic or Latino

  • 6.0% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.5% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.5% Other (non-Hispanic)

Republicans hoped the Montgomery County-based district could become more competitive. Instead, the district helps Democrats by swallowing a conservative portion of Berks County, while still leaving it safely Democratic: Almost 60% voted for Biden.

The map also avoids a potentially difficult scenario for incumbent Rep. Madeleine Dean. Some proposals would have moved her into the same district as fellow Democratic Rep. Mary Gay Scanlon. This plan leaves Dean in the Montco district.

Made up primarily (89.71%) of residents of the current 5th District; the other 10.29% of the new district’s residents come from the current 4th District.

Incumbent: Mary Gay Scanlon (D.)

Past election results:

  • 58.1% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 24.4% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 6.3% Hispanic or Latino

  • 7.1% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.5% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.6% Other (non-Hispanic)

The Delaware County-based district needed more voters, so it adds a chunk of Montgomery County, including Norristown. About 10% of its voters now come from the old 4th district.

That only makes Scanlon’s already solidly Democratic district even more blue.

Made up primarily (85.46%) of residents of the current 18th District; the other 14.54% of the new district’s residents come from the current 14th District.

Incumbent: Mike Doyle (D., not running for reelection)

Past election results:

  • 72.9% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 15.1% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.8% Hispanic or Latino

  • 4.6% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.1% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.6% Other (non-Hispanic)

One of the biggest questions was how the new map would treat Pittsburgh. This one keeps it intact, as Republicans hoped for, leaving the 12th as solidly Democratic — the trade-off for keeping the 17th as a swing seat.

The district grows by inching east into Westmoreland County, adding some Republican votes but not nearly enough to offset Pittsburgh.

Incumbent Rep. Mike Doyle is retiring, which means the Democratic primary could effectively decide his replacement. One top candidate, State Rep. Summer Lee, was narrowly drawn out of the district, but says she’s still going to run in the 12th. She was angered by the move though, since a rival who lives in the very same town, Jerry Dickinson, remains in the 12th. Dickinson has already started raising Lee’s residency as an issue in their primary campaign.

Strong Republican seats

Most of Pennsylvania’s population loss happened in rural areas, which meant that deep-red seats held by the GOP had to vastly expand in order to keep the districts roughly equal in population. The old 12th District in the North-Central part of the state disappeared entirely as its voters were absorbed by the 9th and 15th.

(Pennsylvania lost one seat since other parts of the country grew faster.)

Made up mostly (65.62%) of residents of the current 9th District; 34.15% of the new district’s residents come from the current 12th District and 0.22% from the current 8th District.

Incumbent: Dan Meuser (R.)

Past election results:

  • 87.6% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.3% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 5.8% Hispanic or Latino

  • 0.9% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.0% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

The big expansion of this district stretching from the New York state border down almost to Harrisburg created one of the most fraught political outcomes of the new map: a matchup of incumbent Republican Meuser and Keller. The winner is almost certain to hold the seat.

Meuser lives in the district, so he’s staying put and running again, even though some Republicans would like him to challenge Cartwright in the neighboring 8th.

Keller’s choice is more complicated. His old district was mostly siphoned to the new 9th and 15th, which spans across much of the state’s northern border. Keller’s home is in the new 15th, but he’s going to run in the 9th, where he was raised and attends church.

More of Keller’s existing voters live in the 15th. But the Republican voters in his old district are about equally split between the 9th and 15th.

And then there’s the rival he chose. The 15th’s incumbent, Glenn “GT” Thompson is a longtime GOP stalwart. Meuser is newer to Congress — he and Keller both joined in 2019 — and has at times chafed some fellow Republicans. Keller picked him to run against.

Meuser starts with an advantage: 66% of the new district’s voters come from his existing district.

Made up primarily (96.9%) of residents of the current 11th District; the other 3.1% of the new district’s residents come from the current 10th District.

Incumbent: Lloyd Smucker (R.)

Past election results:

  • 81.8% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.4% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 9.2% Hispanic or Latino

  • 2.2% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.0% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

This Lancaster County-based saw only minor changes and remains solidly Republican. Rep. Lloyd Smucker is the incumbent.

Made up mostly (73.43%) of residents of the current 13th District; 15.08% of the new district’s residents come from the current 12th District and 11.49% from the current 15th District.

Incumbent: John Joyce (R.)

Past election results:

  • 89.6% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.4% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.7% Hispanic or Latino

  • 0.7% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.2% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

The rural district in the state’s south-central region now extends further to the east, grabbing parts of Keller’s old 12th. It remains a heavily conservative base for Rep. John Joyce.

Made up mostly (75.63%) of residents of the current 14th District; 14.62% of the new district’s residents come from the current 13th District and 9.75% from the current 15th District.

Incumbent: Guy Reschenthaler (R.)

Past election results:

  • 90.4% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.3% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 1.6% Hispanic or Latino

  • 0.7% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.7% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

Located in the state’s southwest corner, this is another rural district, represented by Rep. Guy Reschenthaler, that had to expand. It grows east and retains its deeply Republican lean.

Made up mostly (59.45%) by residents of the current 15th district; 40.55% of the new district’s residents come from the current 12th District.

Incumbents: Glenn Thompson (R.), Fred Keller (R.)

Past election results:

  • 90.4% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 1.9% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.2% Hispanic or Latino

  • 1.9% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 3.1% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

This massive district in the state’s center and north expands east along the New York border. More than four out 10 voters in the district will be new to it. Thompson will have to travel far to introduce himself to all of them.

Made up primarily (89.94%) of residents of the current 16th District; 7.33% of the new district’s residents come from the current 15th District and 2.73% from the current 17th District.

Incumbent: Mike Kelly (R.)

Past election results:

  • 87.0% White (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.4% Black (non-Hispanic)

  • 2.7% Hispanic or Latino

  • 1.4% Asian American or Pacific Islander (non-Hispanic)

  • 4.1% Multiracial (non-Hispanic)

  • 0.4% Other (non-Hispanic)

The district in the state’s northwest grows to now include all of Butler County and more of Venango County. It’s still staunchly conservative. Rep. Mike Kelly is the longtime incumbent.

Newsletter

PA 2022

Pennsylvania has some of the biggest races in the country this year. Our reporters will keep you updated with the latest political news — and explain what it all means.

Thank you for subscribing!

By signing up you indicate that you have read and agree to the Terms of Service and Privacy Policy.

About the data

This article is part of a partnership between The Inquirer and the nonpartisan Princeton Gerrymandering Project to use computational methods to analyze and contextualize political maps. PGP is providing custom data analysis The Inquirer is using in its redistricting coverage. The Inquirer maintains full editorial control of its coverage.

The partisan metrics in this article are based on the average of the two-party 2016 and 2020 presidential vote. Other statewide races were also examined to ensure those scores make sense: U.S. Senate in 2016 and 2018, governor in 2018, and down-ballot statewide row offices in 2020. Results are aggregated into districts from certified precinct results.

Racial demographics of each district are based on mutually exclusive categories: All Hispanic or Latino residents of any race are grouped together, and the racial categories are for non-Hispanic residents of a single race, except for the multiracial category. That means, for example, that a Black resident who selected multiple races on the 2020 Census will be listed as “multiracial” and that someone who is both Black and Hispanic will be listed as Hispanic.

Staff Contributors

  • Reporting: Jonathan Tamari, Jonathan Lai
  • Editing: Dan Hirschhorn
  • Data analysis: Amanda Kmetz of Princeton Gerrymandering Project
  • Maps: Jonathan Lai